Chapter 8.7: Cyrus senses that death is near; summoning his friends and sons, he advises the sons to be faithful to one another and he gives instructions on his burial.
¶ 1
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1. In his old age (after the deaths of his parents) Cyrus returns to Persia for the 7th time…
οὕτω δὲ τοῦ αἰῶνος προκεχωρηκότος, μάλα δὴ πρεσβύτης ὢν ὁ Κῦρος ἀφικνεῖται εἰς Πέρσας τὸ ἕβδομον ἐπὶ τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀρχῆς. καὶ ὁ μὲν πατὴρ καὶ ἡ μήτηρ πάλαι δὴ ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἐτετελευτήκεσαν αὐτῷ: ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ἔθυσε τὰ νομιζόμενα ἱερὰ καὶ τοῦ χοροῦ ἡγήσατο Πέρσαις κατὰ τὰ πάτρια καὶ τὰ δῶρα πᾶσι διέδωκεν ὥσπερ εἰώθει.
¶ 2
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2. In a dream, Cyrus sees a superhuman figure, which tells him to prepare to depart to the gods…
κοιμηθεὶς δ᾽ ἐν τῷ βασιλείῳ ὄναρ εἶδε τοιόνδε. ἔδοξεν αὐτῷ προσελθὼν κρείττων τις ἢ κατὰ ἄνθρωπον εἰπεῖν: συσκευάζου, ὦ Κῦρε: ἤδη γὰρ εἰς θεοὺς ἄπει. τοῦτο δὲ ἰδὼν τὸ ὄναρ ἐξηγέρθη καὶ σχεδὸν ἐδόκει εἰδέναι ὅτι τοῦ βίου ἡ τελευτὴ παρείη.
¶ 3
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3. Cyrus makes sacrifice to Zeus, Helios, and other gods as thanks for guiding him to prosperity…
εὐθὺς οὖν λαβὼν ἱερεῖα ἔθυε Διί τε πατρῴῳ καὶ Ἡλίῳ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων, ὡς Πέρσαι θύουσιν, ὧδ᾽ ἐπευχόμενος: Ζεῦ πατρῷε καὶ Ἥλιε καὶ πάντες θεοί, δέχεσθε τάδε καὶ τελεστήρια πολλῶν καὶ καλῶν πράξεων καὶ χαριστήρια ὅτι ἐσημαίνετέ μοι καὶ ἐν ἱεροῖς καὶ ἐν οὐρανίοις σημείοις καὶ ἐν οἰωνοῖς καὶ ἐν φήμαις ἅ τ᾽ ἐχρῆν ποιεῖν καὶ ἃ οὐκ ἐχρῆν. πολλὴ δ᾽ ὑμῖν χάρις ὅτι κἀγὼ ἐγίγνωσκον τὴν ὑμετέραν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ οὐδεπώποτε ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐτυχίαις ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον ἐφρόνησα. αἰτοῦμαι δ᾽ ὑμᾶς δοῦναι καὶ νῦν παισὶ μὲν καὶ γυναικὶ καὶ φίλοις καὶ πατρίδι εὐδαιμονίαν, ἐμοὶ δὲ οἷόνπερ αἰῶνα δεδώκατε, τοιαύτην καὶ τελευτὴν δοῦναι.
¶ 4
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4. He begins to take things easy, not bathing but resting, not eating but drinking with pleasure…
ὁ μὲν δὴ τοιαῦτα ποιήσας καὶ οἴκαδε ἐλθὼν ἔδοξεν ἡδέως ἀναπαύσεσθαι καὶ κατεκλίνη. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὥρα ἦν, οἱ τεταγμένοι προσιόντες λούσασθαι αὐτὸν ἐκέλευον. ὁ δ᾽ ἔλεγεν ὅτι ἡδέως ἀναπαύοιτο. οἱ δ᾽ αὖ τεταγμένοι, ἐπεὶ ὥρα ἦν, δεῖπνον παρετίθεσαν: τῷ δὲ ἡ ψυχὴ σῖτον μὲν οὐ προσίετο, διψῆν δ᾽ ἐδόκει, καὶ ἔπιεν ἡδέως.
¶ 5
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5. Cyrus has the same experience several days in a row…
ὡς δὲ καὶ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ ταὐτὰ καὶ τῇ τρίτῃ, ἐκάλεσε τοὺς παῖδας: οἱ δ᾽ ἔτυχον συνηκολουθηκότες αὐτῷ καὶ ὄντες ἐν Πέρσαις: ἐκάλεσε δὲ καὶ τοὺς φίλους καὶ τὰς Περσῶν ἀρχάς: παρόντων δὲ πάντων ἤρχετο τοιοῦδε λόγου.
¶ 6
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6. He announces that he is dying but insists that he is happy…
παῖδες ἐμοὶ καὶ πάντες οἱ παρόντες φίλοι, ἐμοὶ μὲν τοῦ βίου τὸ τέλος ἤδη πάρεστιν: ἐκ πολλῶν τοῦτο σαφῶς γιγνώσκω: ὑμᾶς δὲ χρή, ὅταν τελευτήσω, ὡς περὶ εὐδαίμονος ἐμοῦ καὶ λέγειν καὶ ποιεῖν πάντα. ἐγὼ γὰρ παῖς τε ὢν τὰ ἐν παισὶ νομιζόμενα καλὰ δοκῶ κεκαρπῶσθαι, ἐπεί τε ἥβησα, τὰ ἐν νεανίσκοις, τέλειός τε ἀνὴρ γενόμενος τὰ ἐν ἀνδράσι: σὺν τῷ χρόνῳ τε προϊόντι ἀεὶ συναυξανομένην ἐπιγιγνώσκειν ἐδόκουν καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν δύναμιν, ὥστε καὶ τοὐμὸν γῆρας οὐδεπώποτε ᾐσθόμην τῆς ἐμῆς νεότητος ἀσθενέστερον γιγνόμενον, καὶ οὔτ᾽ ἐπιχειρήσας οὔτ᾽ ἐπιθυμήσας οἶδα ὅτου ἠτύχησα.
¶ 7
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7. He has seen his friends prosperous and happy through his efforts and his enemies subjugated…
καὶ τοὺς μὲν φίλους ἐπεῖδον δι᾽ ἐμοῦ εὐδαίμονας γενομένους, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ δουλωθέντας: καὶ τὴν πατρίδα πρόσθεν ἰδιωτεύουσαν ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ νῦν προτετιμημένην καταλείπω: ὧν τ᾽ ἐκτησάμην οὐδὲν οἶδα ὅ τι οὐ διεσωσάμην. καὶ τὸν μὲν παρελθόντα χρόνον ἔπραττον οὕτως ὥσπερ ηὐχόμην: φόβος δέ μοι συμπαρομαρτῶν μή τι ἐν τῷ ἐπιόντι χρόνῳ ἢ ἴδοιμι ἢ ἀκούσαιμι ἢ πάθοιμι χαλεπόν, οὐκ εἴα τελέως με μέγα φρονεῖν οὐδ᾽ εὐφραίνεσθαι ἐκπεπταμένως.
¶ 8
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8. In his death he is leaving his sons to survive him and his friends and country happy…
νῦν δ᾽ ἢν τελευτήσω, καταλείπω μὲν ὑμᾶς, ὦ παῖδες, ζῶντας οὕσπερ ἔδοσάν μοι οἱ θεοὶ γενέσθαι: καταλείπω δὲ πατρίδα καὶ φίλους εὐδαιμονοῦντας:
¶ 9
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9. Accordingly he thinks that he should justly be accounted blessed and enjoy an immortal fame…
ὥστε πῶς οὐκ ἂν ἐγὼ δικαίως μακαριζόμενος τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον μνήμης τυγχάνοιμι; δεῖ δὲ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν με ἤδη σαφηνίσαντα καταλιπεῖν, ὡς ἂν μὴ ἀμφίλογος γενομένη πράγματα ὑμῖν παράσχῃ. ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὖν φιλῶ μὲν ἀμφοτέρους ὑμᾶς ὁμοίως, ὦ παῖδες: τὸ δὲ προβουλεύειν καὶ τὸ ἡγεῖσθαι ἐφ᾽ ὅ τι ἂν καιρὸς δοκῇ εἶναι, τοῦτο προστάττω τῷ προτέρῳ γενομένῳ καὶ πλειόνων κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἐμπείρῳ.
¶ 10
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10. Cyrus says that he, too, was trained to give precedence to his elders in all areas of life…
ἐπαιδεύθην δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς οὕτως ὑπὸ τῆσδε τῆς ἐμῆς τε καὶ ὑμετέρας πατρίδος, τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις οὐ μόνον ἀδελφοῖς ἀλλὰ καὶ πολίταις καὶ ὁδῶν καὶ θάκων καὶ λόγων ὑπείκειν, καὶ ὑμᾶς δέ, ὦ παῖδες, οὕτως ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπαίδευον, τοὺς μὲν γεραιτέρους προτιμᾶν, τῶν δὲ νεωτέρων προτετιμῆσθαι: ὡς οὖν παλαιὰ καὶ εἰθισμένα καὶ ἔννομα λέγοντος ἐμοῦ οὕτως ἀποδέχεσθε.
¶ 11
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11. Cambyses is appointed king, while Tanaoxares gets the satrapy of Media, Armenia, and Cadusia…
καὶ σὺ μέν, ὦ Καμβύση, τὴν βασιλείαν ἔχε, θεῶν τε διδόντων καὶ ἐμοῦ ὅσον ἐν ἐμοί: σοὶ δ᾽, ὦ Ταναοξάρη, σατράπην εἶναι δίδωμι Μήδων τε καὶ Ἀρμενίων καὶ τρίτων Καδουσίων: ταῦτα δέ σοι διδοὺς νομίζω ἀρχὴν μὲν μείζω καὶ τοὔνομα τῆς βασιλείας τῷ πρεσβυτέρῳ καταλιπεῖν, εὐδαιμονίαν δὲ σοὶ ἀλυποτέραν.
¶ 12
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12. Cyrus enumerates the many interruptions to happiness that Cambyses will face…
ὁποίας μὲν γὰρ ἀνθρωπίνης εὐφροσύνης ἐνδεὴς ἔσῃ οὐχ ὁρῶ: ἀλλὰ πάντα σοι τὰ δοκοῦντα ἀνθρώπους εὐφραίνειν παρέσται. τὸ δὲ δυσκαταπρακτοτέρων τε ἐρᾶν καὶ τὸ πολλὰ μεριμνᾶν καὶ τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι ἡσυχίαν ἔχειν κεντριζόμενον ὑπὸ τῆς πρὸς τἀμὰ ἔργα φιλονικίας καὶ τὸ ἐπιβουλεύειν καὶ τὸ ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι, ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεύοντι ἀνάγκη σοῦ μᾶλλον συμπαρομαρτεῖν, ἃ σάφ᾽ ἴσθι τοῦ εὐφραίνεσθαι πολλὰς ἀσχολίας παρέχει.
¶ 13
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13. Cyrus tells Cambyses that faithful friends are his truest scepter…
οἶσθα μὲν οὖν καὶ σύ, ὦ Καμβύση, ὅτι οὐ τόδε τὸ χρυσοῦν σκῆπτρον τὸ τὴν βασιλείαν διασῷζόν ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ πιστοὶ φίλοι σκῆπτρον βασιλεῦσιν ἀληθέστατον καὶ ἀσφαλέστατον. πιστοὺς δὲ μὴ νόμιζε φύσει φύεσθαι ἀνθρώπους: πᾶσι γὰρ ἂν οἱ αὐτοὶ πιστοὶ φαίνοιντο, ὥσπερ καὶ τἆλλα τὰ πεφυκότα πᾶσι τὰ αὐτὰ φαίνεται: ἀλλὰ τοὺς πιστοὺς τίθεσθαι δεῖ ἕκαστον ἑαυτῷ: ἡ δὲ κτῆσις αὐτῶν ἔστιν οὐδαμῶς σὺν τῇ βίᾳ, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον σὺν τῇ εὐεργεσίᾳ.
¶ 14
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14. Cyrus tells Cambyses to begin to establish fellow-guardians…
εἰ οὖν καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς πειράσῃ συμφύλακας τῆς βασιλείας ποιεῖσθαι μηδαμόθεν πρότερον ἄρχου ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὁμόθεν γενομένου. καὶ πολῖταί τοι ἄνθρωποι ἀλλοδαπῶν οἰκειότεροι καὶ σύσσιτοι ἀποσκήνων: οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ σπέρματος φύντες καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς μητρὸς τραφέντες καὶ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ οἰκίᾳ αὐξηθέντες καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν γονέων ἀγαπώμενοι καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν μητέρα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν πατέρα προσαγορεύοντες, πῶς οὐ πάντων οὗτοι οἰκειότατοι;
¶ 15
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15. Cyrus is referring especially to the love between the two brothers…
μὴ οὖν ἃ οἱ θεοὶ ὑφήγηνται ἀγαθὰ εἰς οἰκειότητα ἀδελφοῖς μάταιά ποτε ποιήσητε, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῦτα εὐθὺς οἰκοδομεῖτε ἄλλα φιλικὰ ἔργα: καὶ οὕτως ἀεὶ ἀνυπέρβλητος ἄλλοις ἔσται ἡ ὑμετέρα φιλία. ἑαυτοῦ τοι κήδεται ὁ προνοῶν ἀδελφοῦ: τίνι γὰρ ἄλλῳ ἀδελφὸς μέγας ὢν οὕτω καλὸν ὡς ἀδελφῷ; τίς δ᾽ ἄλλος τιμήσεται δι᾽ ἄνδρα μέγα δυνάμενον οὕτως ὡς ἀδελφός; τίνα δὲ φοβήσεταί τις ἀδικεῖν ἀδελφοῦ μεγάλου ὄντος οὕτως ὡς τὸν ἀδελφόν;
¶ 16
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16. Cyrus thus bids Tanaoxares to obey Cambyses and zealously support him…
μήτε οὖν θᾶττον μηδεὶς σοῦ τούτῳ ὑπακουέτω μήτε προθυμότερον παρέστω: οὐδενὶ γὰρ οἰκειότερα τὰ τούτου οὔτε ἀγαθὰ οὔτε δεινὰ ἢ σοί. ἐννόει δὲ καὶ τάδε: τίνι χαρισάμενος ἐλπίσαις ἂν μειζόνων τυχεῖν ἢ τούτῳ; τίνι δ᾽ ἂν βοηθήσας ἰσχυρότερον σύμμαχον ἀντιλάβοις; τίνα δ᾽ αἴσχιον μὴ φιλεῖν ἢ τὸν ἀδελφόν; τίνα δὲ ἁπάντων κάλλιον προτιμᾶν ἢ τὸν ἀδελφόν; μόνου τοι, ὦ Καμβύση, πρωτεύοντος ἀδελφοῦ παρ᾽ ἀδελφῷ οὐδὲ φθόνος παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐφικνεῖται.
¶ 17
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17. Cyrus begs his sons, by the gods, to honor one another…
ἀλλὰ πρὸς θεῶν πατρῴων, ὦ παῖδες, τιμᾶτε ἀλλήλους, εἴ τι καὶ τοῦ ἐμοὶ χαρίζεσθαι μέλει ὑμῖν: οὐ γὰρ δήπου τοῦτό γε σαφῶς δοκεῖτε εἰδέναι ὡς οὐδὲν ἔτι ἐγὼ ἔσομαι, ἐπειδὰν τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου βίου τελευτήσω: οὐδὲ γὰρ νῦν τοι τήν γ᾽ ἐμὴν ψυχὴν ἑωρᾶτε, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς διεπράττετο, τούτοις αὐτὴν ὡς οὖσαν κατεφωρᾶτε.
¶ 18
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18. He speculates on the immortality of the soul…
τὰς δὲ τῶν ἄδικα παθόντων ψυχὰς οὔπω κατενοήσατε οἵους μὲν φόβους τοῖς μιαιφόνοις ἐμβάλλουσιν, οἵους δὲ παλαμναίους τοῖς ἀνοσίοις ἐπιπέμπουσι; τοῖς δὲ φθιμένοις τὰς τιμὰς διαμένειν ἔτι ἂν δοκεῖτε, εἰ μηδενὸς αὐτῶν αἱ ψυχαὶ κύριαι ἦσαν;
¶ 19
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19. He cannot convince himself that the soul is mortal…
οὔτοι ἔγωγε, ὦ παῖδες, οὐδὲ τοῦτο πώποτε ἐπείσθην ὡς ἡ ψυχὴ ἕως μὲν ἂν ἐν θνητῷ σώματι ᾖ, ζῇ, ὅταν δὲ τούτου ἀπαλλαγῇ, τέθνηκεν: ὁρῶ γὰρ ὅτι καὶ τὰ θνητὰ σώματα ὅσον ἂν ἐν αὐτοῖς χρόνον ᾖ ἡ ψυχή, ζῶντα παρέχεται.
¶ 20
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20. He thinks that the soul liberated from the body is most likely to be most intelligent…
οὐδέ γε ὅπως ἄφρων ἔσται ἡ ψυχή, ἐπειδὰν τοῦ ἄφρονος σώματος δίχα γένηται, οὐδὲ τοῦτο πέπεισμαι: ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἄκρατος καὶ καθαρὸς ὁ νοῦς ἐκκριθῇ, τότε καὶ φρονιμώτατον αὐτὸν εἰκὸς εἶναι. διαλυομένου δὲ ἀνθρώπου δῆλά ἐστιν ἕκαστα ἀπιόντα πρὸς τὸ ὁμόφυλον πλὴν τῆς ψυχῆς: αὕτη δὲ μόνη οὔτε παροῦσα οὔτε ἀπιοῦσα ὁρᾶται.
¶ 21
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21. Death is like sleep, which also has some communion with the gods…
ἐννοήσατε δ᾽, ἔφη, ὅτι ἐγγύτερον μὲν τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων θανάτῳ οὐδέν ἐστιν ὕπνου: ἡ δὲ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ψυχὴ τότε δήπου θειοτάτη καταφαίνεται καὶ τότε τι τῶν μελλόντων προορᾷ:
¶ 22
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22. Because the soul is immortal, Cyrus asks his sons to heed his requests and reverence his soul…
τότε γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, μάλιστα ἐλευθεροῦται. εἰ μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἔχει ταῦτα ὥσπερ ἐγὼ οἴομαι καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ καταλείπει τὸ σῶμα, καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχὴν καταιδούμενοι ποιεῖτε ἃ ἐγὼ δέομαι: εἰ δὲ μὴ οὕτως, ἀλλὰ μένουσα ἡ ψυχὴ ἐν τῷ σώματι συναποθνῄσκει, ἀλλὰ θεούς γε τοὺς ἀεὶ ὄντας καὶ πάντ᾽ ἐφορῶντας καὶ πάντα δυναμένους, οἳ καὶ τήνδε τὴν τῶν ὅλων τάξιν συνέχουσιν ἀτριβῆ καὶ ἀγήρατον καὶ ἀναμάρτητον καὶ ὑπὸ κάλλους καὶ μεγέθους ἀδιήγητον, τούτους φοβούμενοι μήποτ᾽ ἀσεβὲς μηδὲν μηδὲ ἀνόσιον μήτε ποιήσητε μήτε βουλεύσητε.
¶ 23
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23. He also exhorts them to respect the race of men, who will also note their achievements…
μετὰ μέντοι θεοὺς καὶ ἀνθρώπων τὸ πᾶν γένος τὸ ἀεὶ ἐπιγιγνόμενον αἰδεῖσθε: οὐ γὰρ ἐν σκότῳ ὑμᾶς οἱ θεοὶ ἀποκρύπτονται, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμφανῆ πᾶσιν ἀνάγκη ἀεὶ ζῆν τὰ ὑμέτερα ἔργα: ἃ ἢν μὲν καθαρὰ καὶ ἔξω τῶν ἀδίκων φαίνηται, δυνατοὺς ὑμᾶς ἐν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἀναδείξει: εἰ δὲ εἰς ἀλλήλους ἄδικόν τι φρονήσετε, ἐκ πάντων ἀνθρώπων τὸ ἀξιόπιστοι εἶναι ἀποβαλεῖτε. οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἂν ἔτι πιστεῦσαι δύναιτο ὑμῖν, οὐδ᾽ εἰ πάνυ προθυμοῖτο, ἰδὼν ἀδικούμενον τὸν μάλιστα φιλίᾳ προσήκοντα.
¶ 24
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24. Cyrus encourages them to learn also from history if they cannot learn from him…
εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐγὼ ὑμᾶς ἱκανῶς διδάσκω οἵους χρὴ πρὸς ἀλλήλους εἶναι: εἰ δὲ μή, καὶ παρὰ τῶν προγεγενημένων μανθάνετε: αὕτη γὰρ ἀρίστη διδασκαλία. οἱ μὲν γὰρ πολλοὶ διαγεγένηνται φίλοι μὲν γονεῖς παισί, φίλοι δὲ ἀδελφοὶ ἀδελφοῖς: ἤδη δέ τινες τούτων καὶ ἐναντία ἀλλήλοις ἔπραξαν: ὁποτέροις ἂν οὖν αἰσθάνησθε τὰ πραχθέντα συνενεγκόντα, ταῦτα δὴ αἱρούμενοι ὀρθῶς ἂν βουλεύοισθε.
¶ 25
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25. He instructs them not to house his body in gold or silver, but simply to put it in the earth…
καὶ τούτων μὲν ἴσως ἤδη ἅλις. τὸ δ᾽ ἐμὸν σῶμα, ὦ παῖδες, ὅταν τελευτήσω, μήτε ἐν χρυσῷ θῆτε μήτε ἐν ἀργύρῳ μηδὲ ἐν ἄλλῳ μηδενί, ἀλλὰ τῇ γῇ ὡς τάχιστα ἀπόδοτε. τί γὰρ τούτου μακαριώτερον τοῦ γῇ μειχθῆναι, ἣ πάντα μὲν τὰ καλά, πάντα δὲ τἀγαθὰ φύει τε καὶ τρέφει; ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ ἄλλως φιλάνθρωπος ἐγενόμην καὶ νῦν ἡδέως ἄν μοι δοκῶ κοινωνῆσαι τοῦ εὐεργετοῦντος ἀνθρώπους.
¶ 26
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26. Cyrus senses that death is near and invites his family to look on him one last time…
ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἤδη, ἔφη, ἐκλείπειν μοι φαίνεται ἡ ψυχὴ ὅθενπερ, ὡς ἔοικε, πᾶσιν ἄρχεται ἀπολείπουσα. εἴ τις οὖν ὑμῶν ἢ δεξιᾶς βούλεται τῆς ἐμῆς ἅψασθαι ἢ ὄμμα τοὐμὸν ζῶντος ἔτι προσιδεῖν ἐθέλει, προσίτω: ὅταν δ᾽ ἐγὼ ἐγκαλύψωμαι, αἰτοῦμαι ὑμᾶς, ὦ παῖδες, μηδεὶς ἔτ᾽ ἀνθρώπων τοὐμὸν σῶμα ἰδέτω, μηδ᾽ αὐτοὶ ὑμεῖς.
¶ 27
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27. He instructs them to invite the Persians and all allies to his burial…
Πέρσας μέντοι πάντας καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἐπὶ τὸ μνῆμα τοὐμὸν παρακαλεῖτε συνησθησομένους ἐμοὶ ὅτι ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἤδη ἔσομαι, ὡς μηδὲν ἂν ἔτι κακὸν παθεῖν, μήτε ἢν μετὰ τοῦ θείου γένωμαι μήτε ἢν μηδὲν ἔτι ὦ: ὁπόσοι δ᾽ ἂν ἔλθωσι, τούτους εὖ ποιήσαντες ὁπόσα ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρὶ εὐδαίμονι νομίζεται ἀποπέμπετε.
¶ 28
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28. Finally, if they are good to their friends then they will be able to punish their enemies…
καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη, μέμνησθέ μου τελευταῖον, τοὺς φίλους εὐεργετοῦντες καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς δυνήσεσθε κολάζειν. καὶ χαίρετε, ὦ φίλοι παῖδες, καὶ τῇ μητρὶ ἀπαγγέλλετε ὡς παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ: καὶ πάντες δὲ οἱ παρόντες καὶ οἱ ἀπόντες φίλοι χαίρετε. ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ πάντας δεξιωσάμενος ἐνεκαλύψατο καὶ οὕτως ἐτελεύτησεν.
Are we inclined to accept this account of Cyrus’ death over that in Herodotus?
I would suggest that each author has strong external motivations at play behind the account he provides: both Herodotus and Xenophon want to use Cyrus as a paradigm, but for very different reasons. Cyrus in Herodotus is one of the autocrats and shares key aspects of his character, personality, and experiences with them, including a tendency to overreach and act emotionally (see C.Dewald 2003:25-58 , “Form and Content: The Question of Tyranny in Herodotus,” in K. A. Morgan, ed., Popular Tyranny: Sovereignty and Its Discontents in Ancient Greece (Austin, 2003), 25-58), although admittedly Cyrus tends to come off better in that regard than, say, Xerxes. Cyrus is also a boundary-crosser (of physical barriers), which can herald bad news in Herodotus (see D. Lateiner 1989:126-35 The Historical Method of Herodotus (Toronto, 1989), 126-35), and a misinterpreter of omens, another Herodotean problem (see his misreading of his dream about Darius at Herodotus Histories 1.210 ). Between all of those characteristics, from the standpoint of Herodotean patterning Cyrus is a marked man–he almost has to die badly to vindicate Herodotus’ organization of fate and of history. (This is admittedly rather unfair and schematic of me in terms of interpreting Herodotus–a fully-fleshed-out argument would do the entire situation more justice–but I am just trying to open things up for the time being.) Cyrus in Xenophon plays a very different role, one that has been developed throughout the text. He rather needs to dispense deathbed wisdom and sum up his life, his career, his beliefs, and the like in order to close off the work and (again) vindicate Xenophon’s reading of his significance. So who is (factually) correct? Likely neither completely, given the rhetorical qualities of both projects, but the Cyropaedia‘s refusal to be confined to historical and historiographic paradigms (although it shares many qualities with the genre) might give it less weight as a pseudo-documentary. On the relationship of fact to ancient historiography (or ancient historiography to fact!), I always like to have my students read C. Fornara 1983 , The Nature of History in Ancient Greece and Rome (Berkeley, 1983) and A. J. Woodman 1988 , Rhetoric in Classical Historiography (London, 1988), two discussions from which I myself have learned a great deal.
The problem is that both read like morality plays – and in the absence of firm evidence, in the end you are left with probabilities – H’s account has always seemed the more plausible, but as you point out, the truth is probably somewhere else. As toFornara and Woodman ,, I know both sources – you can find it all better in many places in Syme , with the added advantage of better writing and a sense of humor.
As a follow-up on the paradigmatic qualities of Xenophon’s Cyrus, see also e.g. A.Szegedy-Maszak 1978:199-209 , “Legends of the Greek Lawgivers,” GRBS 19 (1978), 199-209.
What is the significance for the reception of Xenophon’s Cyrus that Julius Caesar supposedly read this chapter in reflecting on his own death: “About one thing almost all are fully agreed, that he all but desired such a death as he met; for once when he read in Xenophon how Cyrus in his last illness gave directions for his funeral, he expressed his horror of such a lingering kind of end and his wish for one which was swift and sudden. And the day before his murder, in a conversation which arose at a dinner at the house of Marcus Lepidus, as to what manner of death was most to be desired, he had given his preference to one which was sudden and unexpected” (Suetonius Life of Julius Caesar 87 , translation Rolfe)?
Another death-scene with some similar elements is that of Alexander the Great.Diodorus , Curtius , and Justin , the members of the Alexander ‘Vulgate,’ have the famous story of Alexander handing over his signet ring; the accounts in Arrian and Plutarch (which both authors claim are based on the court diaries) are plainer, but do contain detailed information on the king’s sleeping habits, level of comfort (Alexander was critically ill for a number of days), activities like dining, bathing, and sacrificing, and the like. On the Alexander historians and their complicated relationships to the tradition and to one another, see Elizabeth Baynham 2003:3-29 , “The Ancient Evidence for Alexander the Great,” in Joseph Roisman, ed., Brill’s Companion to Alexander the Great (Leiden, 2003), 3-29. I am not sure that Xenophon would have played a role in the development of the Alexander death-narrative, but it does make me wonder about the death-narratives in between.
A more specific version of the same question: what about Xenophon’s own reception of the death of Socrates?