Chapter 1.5: Cyrus Prepares to Join the Medan Campaign against the Assyrians
¶ 1
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1. Cyrus is initially teased by his Persian peers, but he wins them over…
ὁ μὲν δὴ Κῦρος οὕτως ἀπελθὼν ἐν Πέρσαις ἐνιαυτὸν λέγεται ἐν τοῖς παισὶν ἔτι γενέσθαι. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οἱ παῖδες ἔσκωπτον αὐτὸν ὡς ἡδυπαθεῖν ἐν Μήδοις μεμαθηκὼς ἥκοι: ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ ἐσθίοντα αὐτὸν ἑώρων ὥσπερ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἡδέως καὶ πίνοντα, καὶ εἴ ποτε ἐν ἑορτῇ εὐωχία γένοιτο, ἐπιδιδόντα μᾶλλον αὐτὸν τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ μέρους ᾐσθάνοντο ἢ προσδεόμενον, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις δὲ τἆλλα κρατιστεύοντα αὐτὸν ἑώρων ἑαυτῶν, ἐνταῦθα δὴ πάλιν ὑπέπτησσον αὐτῷ οἱ ἥλικες. ἐπεὶ δὲ διελθὼν τὴν παιδείαν ταύτην ἤδη εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τοὺς ἐφήβους, ἐν τούτοις αὖ ἐδόκει κρατιστεύειν καὶ μελετῶν ἃ χρῆν καὶ καρτερῶν καὶ αἰδούμενος τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ πειθόμενος τοῖς ἄρχουσι.
¶ 2
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2. When Astyages dies and Cyaxares succeeds him, the Assyrian king decides to subjugate Media…
προϊόντος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου ὁ μὲν Ἀστυάγης ἐν τοῖς Μήδοις ἀποθνῄσκει, ὁ δὲ Κυαξάρης ὁ τοῦ Ἀστυάγους παῖς, τῆς δὲ Κύρου μητρὸς ἀδελφός, τὴν βασιλείαν ἔσχε τὴν Μήδων. ὁ δὲ τῶν Ἀσσυρίων βασιλεὺς κατεστραμμένος μὲν πάντας Σύρους, φῦλον πάμπολυ, ὑπήκοον δὲ πεποιημένος τὸν Ἀραβίων βασιλέα, ὑπηκόους δὲ ἔχων ἤδη καὶ Ὑρκανίους, πολιορκῶν δὲ καὶ Βακτρίους, ἐνόμιζεν, εἰ τοὺς Μήδους ἀσθενεῖς ποιήσειε, πάντων γε τῶν πέριξ ῥᾳδίως ἄρξειν: ἰσχυρότατον γὰρ τῶν ἐγγὺς φύλων τοῦτο ἐδόκει εἶναι.
¶ 3
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3. He rouses up anti-Medan sentiment among other nations and bribes those who would not otherwise align with him…
οὕτω δὴ διαπέμπει πρός τε τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν πάντας καὶ πρὸς Κροῖσον τὸν Λυδῶν βασιλέα καὶ πρὸς τὸν Καππαδοκῶν καὶ πρὸς Φρύγας ἀμφοτέρους καὶ πρὸς Παφλαγόνας καὶ Ἰνδοὺς καὶ πρὸς Κᾶρας καὶ Κίλικας, τὰ μὲν καὶ διαβάλλων τοὺς Μήδους καὶ Πέρσας, λέγων ὡς μεγάλα τ᾽ εἴη ταῦτα ἔθνη καὶ ἰσχυρὰ καὶ συνεστηκότα εἰς ταὐτό, καὶ ἐπιγαμίας ἀλλήλοις πεποιημένοι εἶεν, καὶ κινδυνεύσοιεν, εἰ μή τις αὐτοὺς φθάσας ἀσθενώσοι, ἐπὶ ἓν ἕκαστον τῶν ἐθνῶν ἰόντες καταστρέψασθαι. οἱ μὲν δὴ καὶ τοῖς λόγοις τούτοις πειθόμενοι συμμαχίαν αὐτῷ ἐποιοῦντο, οἱ δὲ καὶ δώροις καὶ χρήμασιν ἀναπειθόμενοι: πολλὰ γὰρ καὶ τοιαῦτα ἦν αὐτῷ.
¶ 4
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4. Cyrus, now among the class of mature men, is asked by Cyaxares to come as a commander…
Κυαξάρης δὲ ὁ τοῦ Ἀστυάγους παῖς ἐπεὶ ᾐσθάνετο τήν τ᾽ ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν τῶν συνισταμένων ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτόν, αὐτός τε εὐθέως ὅσα ἐδύνατο ἀντιπαρεσκευάζετο καὶ εἰς Πέρσας ἔπεμπε πρός τε τὸ κοινὸν καὶ πρὸς Καμβύσην τὸν τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἔχοντα καὶ βασιλεύοντα ἐν Πέρσαις. ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ πρὸς Κῦρον, δεόμενος αὐτοῦ πειρᾶσθαι ἄρχοντα ἐλθεῖν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, εἴ τινας πέμποι στρατιώτας τὸ Περσῶν κοινόν. ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ὁ Κῦρος διατετελεκὼς τὰ ἐν τοῖς ἐφήβοις δέκα ἔτη ἐν τοῖς τελείοις ἀνδράσιν ἦν.
¶ 5
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5. The Persians vote to send Cyrus with nearly thirty thousand other soldiers…
οὕτω δὴ δεξαμένου τοῦ Κύρου οἱ βουλεύοντες γεραίτεροι αἱροῦνται αὐτὸν ἄρχοντα τῆς εἰς Μήδους στρατιᾶς. 
How does Cyrus' life and campaign against the Assyrians resemble that of Alexander of Macedon against the Persians?
ἔδοσαν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ προσελέσθαι διακοσίους τῶν ὁμοτίμων, τῶν δ᾽ αὖ διακοσίων ἑκάστῳ τέτταρας ἔδωκαν προσελέσθαι καὶ τούτους ἐκ τῶν ὁμοτίμων: γίγνονται μὲν δὴ οὗτοι χίλιοι: τῶν δ᾽ αὖ χιλίων τούτων ἑκάστῳ ἔταξαν ἐκ τοῦ δήμου τῶν Περσῶν δέκα μὲν πελταστὰς προσελέσθαι, δέκα δὲ σφενδονήτας, δέκα δὲ τοξότας: καὶ οὕτως ἐγένοντο μύριοι μὲν τοξόται, μύριοι δὲ πελτασταί, μύριοι δὲ σφενδονῆται: χωρὶς δὲ τούτων οἱ χίλιοι ὑπῆρχον. τοσαύτη μὲν δὴ στρατιὰ τῷ Κύρῳ ἐδόθη.
¶ 6
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6. As soon as he is chosen, Cyrus consults the gods…
ἐπεὶ δὲ ᾑρέθη τάχιστα, ἤρχετο πρῶτον ἀπὸ τῶν θεῶν: καλλιερησάμενος δὲ τότε προσῃρεῖτο τοὺς διακοσίους: ἐπεὶ δὲ προσείλοντο καὶ οὗτοι δὴ τοὺς τέτταρας ἕκαστοι, συνέλεξεν αὐτοὺς καὶ εἶπε τότε πρῶτον ἐν αὐτοῖς τάδε.
¶ 7
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7. Cyrus addresses his men…
ἄνδρες φίλοι, ἐγὼ προσειλόμην μὲν ὑμᾶς, οὐ νῦν πρῶτον δοκιμάσας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ παίδων ὁρῶν ὑμᾶς ἃ μὲν καλὰ ἡ πόλις νομίζει, προθύμως ταῦτα ἐκπονοῦντας, ἃ δὲ αἰσχρὰ ἡγεῖται, παντελῶς τούτων ἀπεχομένους. ὧν δ᾽ ἕνεκα αὐτός τε οὐκ ἄκων εἰς τόδε τὸ τέλος κατέστην καὶ ὑμᾶς παρεκάλεσα δηλῶσαι ὑμῖν βούλομαι.
¶ 8
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8. He praises the virtues of their forefathers…
ἐγὼ γὰρ κατενόησα ὅτι οἱ πρόγονοι χείρονες μὲν ἡμῶν οὐδὲν ἐγένοντο: ἀσκοῦντες γοῦν κἀκεῖνοι διετέλεσαν ἅπερ ἔργα ἀρετῆς νομίζεται: ὅ τι μέντοι προσεκτήσαντο τοιοῦτοι ὄντες ἢ τῷ τῶν Περσῶν κοινῷ ἀγαθὸν ἢ αὑτοῖς, τοῦτ᾽ οὐκέτι δύναμαι ἰδεῖν.
¶ 9
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9. Cyrus says that all virtues aim at some good…
καίτοι ἐγὼ οἶμαι οὐδεμίαν ἀρετὴν ἀσκεῖσθαι ὑπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ὡς μηδὲν πλέον ἔχωσιν οἱ ἐσθλοὶ γενόμενοι τῶν πονηρῶν, ἀλλ᾽ οἵ τε τῶν παραυτίκα ἡδονῶν ἀπεχόμενοι οὐχ ἵνα μηδέποτε εὐφρανθῶσι, τοῦτο πράττουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς διὰ ταύτην τὴν ἐγκράτειαν πολλαπλάσια εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον εὐφρανούμενοι οὕτω παρασκευάζονται: οἵ τε λέγειν προθυμούμενοι δεινοὶ γενέσθαι οὐχ ἵνα εὖ λέγοντες μηδέποτε παύσωνται, τοῦτο μελετῶσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλπίζοντες τῷ λέγειν εὖ πείθοντες ἀνθρώπους πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα ἀγαθὰ διαπράξεσθαι: οἵ τε αὖ τὰ πολεμικὰ ἀσκοῦντες οὐχ ὡς μαχόμενοι μηδέποτε παύσωνται, τοῦτ᾽ ἐκπονοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ νομίζοντες καὶ οὗτοι τὰ πολεμικὰ ἀγαθοὶ γενόμενοι πολὺν μὲν ὄλβον, πολλὴν δὲ εὐδαιμονίαν, μεγάλας δὲ τιμὰς καὶ ἑαυτοῖς καὶ πόλει περιάψειν.
¶ 10
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10. He disdains the farmer who never engages in harvest or the well-trained athlete who never engages in competition…
εἰ δέ τινες ταῦτα ἐκπονήσαντες πρίν τινα καρπὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν κομίσασθαι περιεῖδον αὑτοὺς γήρᾳ ἀδυνάτους γενομένους, ὅμοιον ἔμοιγε δοκοῦσι πεπονθέναι οἷον εἴ τις γεωργὸς ἀγαθὸς προθυμηθεὶς γενέσθαι καὶ εὖ σπείρων καὶ εὖ φυτεύων, ὁπότε καρποῦσθαι ταῦτα δέοι, ἐῴη τὸν καρπὸν ἀσυγκόμιστον εἰς τὴν γῆν πάλιν καταρρεῖν. καὶ εἴ τίς γε ἀσκητὴς πολλὰ πονήσας καὶ ἀξιόνικος γενόμενος ἀναγώνιστος διατελέσειεν, οὐδ᾽ ἂν οὗτός μοι δοκεῖ δικαίως ἀναίτιος εἶναι ἀφροσύνης.
¶ 11
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11. He enjoins his comrades to put their good training to the test…
ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες, μὴ πάθωμεν ταῦτα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπείπερ σύνισμεν ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ παίδων ἀρξάμενοι ἀσκηταὶ ὄντες τῶν καλῶν κἀγαθῶν ἔργων, ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, οὓς ἐγὼ σαφῶς ἐπίσταμαι ἰδιώτας ὄντας ὡς πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀγωνίζεσθαι. οὐ γάρ πω οὗτοι ἱκανοί εἰσιν ἀγωνισταί, οἳ ἂν τοξεύωσι καὶ ἀκοντίζωσι καὶ ἱππεύωσιν ἐπιστημόνως, ἢν δέ που πονῆσαι δέῃ, τούτῳ λείπωνται, ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοι ἰδιῶταί εἰσι κατὰ τοὺς πόνους: οὐδέ γε οἵτινες ἀγρυπνῆσαι δέον ἡττῶνται τούτου, ἀλλὰ καὶ οὗτοι ἰδιῶται κατὰ τὸν ὕπνον: οὐδέ γε οἱ ταῦτα μὲν ἱκανοί, ἀπαίδευτοι δὲ ὡς χρὴ καὶ συμμάχοις καὶ πολεμίοις χρῆσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ οὗτοι δῆλον ὡς τῶν μεγίστων παιδευμάτων ἀπείρως ἔχουσιν.
¶ 12
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12. As lovers of praise they must be willing to undergo any sort of hardship and danger…
ὑμεῖς δὲ νυκτὶ μὲν δήπου ὅσαπερ οἱ ἄλλοι ἡμέρᾳ δύναισθ᾽ ἂν χρῆσθαι, πόνους δὲ τοῦ ζῆν ἡδέως ἡγεμόνας νομίζετε, λιμῷ δὲ ὅσαπερ ὄψῳ διαχρῆσθε, ὑδροποσίαν δὲ ῥᾷον τῶν λεόντων φέρετε, κάλλιστον δὲ πάντων καὶ πολεμικώτατον κτῆμα εἰς τὰς ψυχὰς συγκεκόμισθε: ἐπαινούμενοι γὰρ μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι χαίρετε. τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπαίνου ἐραστὰς ἀνάγκη διὰ τοῦτο πάντα μὲν πόνον, πάντα δὲ κίνδυνον ἡδέως ὑποδύεσθαι.
¶ 13
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13. Cyrus feels confident in their victory…
εἰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐγὼ λέγω περὶ ὑμῶν ἄλλῃ γιγνώσκων, ἐμαυτὸν ἐξαπατῶ. ὅ τι γὰρ μὴ τοιοῦτον ἀποβήσεται παρ᾽ ὑμῶν, εἰς ἐμὲ τὸ ἐλλεῖπον ἥξει. ἀλλὰ πιστεύω τοι τῇ πείρᾳ καὶ τῇ ὑμῶν εἰς ἐμὲ εὐνοίᾳ καὶ τῇ τῶν πολεμίων ἀνοίᾳ μὴ ψεύσειν με ταύτας τὰς ἀγαθὰς ἐλπίδας. ἀλλὰ θαρροῦντες ὁρμώμεθα, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ἐκποδὼν ἡμῖν γεγένηται τὸ δόξαι τῶν ἀλλοτρίων ἀδίκως ἐφίεσθαι. νῦν γὰρ ἔρχονται μὲν οἱ πολέμιοι ἄρχοντες ἀδίκων χειρῶν, καλοῦσι δὲ ἡμᾶς ἐπικούρους οἱ φίλοι: τί οὖν ἐστιν ἢ τοῦ ἀλέξασθαι δικαιότερον ἢ τοῦ τοῖς φίλοις ἀρήγειν κάλλιον;
¶ 14
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14. He reassures them that he has begun with approval from the gods…
ἀλλὰ μὴν κἀκεῖνο οἶμαι ὑμᾶς θαρρεῖν, τὸ μὴ παρημεληκότα με τῶν θεῶν τὴν ἔξοδον ποιεῖσθαι: πολλὰ γάρ μοι συνόντες ἐπίστασθε οὐ μόνον τὰ μεγάλα ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ μικρὰ πειρώμενον ἀεὶ ἀπὸ θεῶν ὁρμᾶσθαι. τέλος εἶπε: τί δεῖ ἔτι λέγειν; ἀλλ᾽ ὑμεῖς μὲν τοὺς ἄνδρας ἑλόμενοι καὶ ἀναλαβόντες καὶ τἆλλα παρασκευασάμενοι ἴτε ἐς Μήδους: ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἐπανελθὼν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα πρόειμι δή, ὅπως τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ὡς τάχιστα μαθὼν οἷά ἐστι παρασκευάζωμαι ὅ τι ἂν δέωμαι, ὅπως ὡς κάλλιστα σὺν θεῷ ἀγωνιζώμεθα. οἱ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἔπραττον.
ἐν τούτοις αὖ ἐδόκει κρατιστεύειν καὶ μελετῶν ἃ χρῆν καὶ καρτερῶν καὶ αἰδούμενος τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους καὶ πειθόμενος τοῖς ἄρχουσι: To what extent does this formulation of Cyrus’ excellence in education (paedeia) differ from the earlier description of excellence in the public contests in the Persian agôgê (δαημονέστατοι καὶ ἀνδρικώτατοι καὶ εὐπιστότατοι,Cyropaedia 1.2.12 )?
οἱ παῖδες ἔσκωπτον αὐτὸν ὡς ἡδυπαθεῖν ἐν Μήδοις μεμαθηκὼς ἥκοι: Does Cyrus’ resistance to Persian luxury demonstrate that nature can rise above nurture, contrary to the sentiment that “soft countries always breed soft men” (cf. φιλέειν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν μαλακῶν χώρων μαλακοὺς ἄνδρας γίνεσθαι,Herodotus Histories 9.122.3 )?
We discussed this also atCyropaedia 1.3.3 . It should be remembered that Herodotus’s comment about soft countries producing soft peoples is itself meant to illustrate a decline, that is, a change; negative change is definitely possible in Herodotus’s and Xenophon’s worlds – I’m not sure about positive change. Cyrus was able to “ward off” the corrupting influence of the Medes, but the Persians as a whole, in the end, were not. Are they doomed now to a corrupt existence?
If I may be Socratic for a moment, is Cyrus really resistant to luxury? He’s certainly quite happy to don his soft cloak and parade about – when in Media! It seems to me that Cyrus’ brilliance lies rather in his ability to Median among the Medes and Persian among the Persians – he knows boundaries, and he doesn’t cross them.Herodotus Histories 4.76-90 , on the other hand, is full of stories of people who come to bad ends because they try to mix cultures (perhaps most prominently Anacharsis and Scyles. To tell the truth, I’ve always been slightly disappointed in Herodotus’ Cyrus because his Median-Persian origins never seem to come under discussion or to affect him. Herodotus’ Cyrus is just Persian, despite Mandane, and that seems to be that. Xenophon’s Cyrus, on the other hand, more than makes up for it! I would suggest that Cyrus is able to handle Median luxury because he is partially Median, whereas the other Persians are new to it – it’s not “in their blood”, so to speak.
Your Socratic question is most welcome! And it makes me realize that my question was meant to be about Cyrus’ resistance to Medan (not Persian) luxury. I really like your examples fromHerodotus Histories of those who mix cultures via luxury. I suppose that is part of the threat posed by Dionysus in Euripides Bacchae as well. It is probably better to distinguish being a philokalos (which Xenophon explicitly says Cyrus is at Cyropaedia 1.3.3 ) and the act of “luxurious living,” which always seems to be a bad thing, antithetical to the hard work of leadership (cf. Cyropaedia 7.5.74 ). Cyrus does seem to adapt his notions of what is beautiful/fine/distinguished according to the culture he’s in, but I wouldn’t go as far to say he becomes entirely Medan when he’s with the Medes and reverts back to being a Persian in Persia. He still resists Medan food and maintains vigorous exercise among the Medes (though the picture becomes more complex when Cyrus sets up his kingdom in Babylon). For a portrait of a thorough-going “chameleon” of cultures see Plutarch Life of Alcibiades 23 .
Yes, I may have overstated my case a bit – I haven’t entirely squared in my mind how Cyrus’ adoption of some Medan customs works with his rejection of others. Why is wearing a fancy cloak, for example, OK while eating luxuriously is not? Thanks for the reference to Plutarch’s Alcibiades! I’ll have to have a look at that. I did have the additional thought that changing one’s customs according to one’s environment was probably something that Xenophon himself would have engaged in – an Athenian with a great familiarity with Sparta who also spent a lot of time in Persia must have been something of a cultural chameleon himself.
On your question about luxurious clothes versus luxurious food, we might compareIsocrates To Nicocles 32 :
Τρύφα μὲν ἐν ταῖς ἐσθῆσι καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸ σῶμα κόσμοις, καρτέρει δ’ ὡς χρὴ τοὺς βασιλεύοντας ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπιτηδεύμασιν, ἵν’ οἱ μὲν ὁρῶντες διὰ τὴν ὄψιν ἄξιόν σε τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι νομίζωσιν, οἱ δὲ συνόντες διὰ τὴν τῆς ψυχῆς ῥώμην τὴν αὐτὴν ἐκείνοις γνώμην ἔχωσιν.
The idea seems to be that fancy clothes/adornment confer dignity to one’s kingly office. The clothes serve a practical purpose and they (presumably) are not ruined by the wearer. Food does get used up and does not seem to confer dignity, though one might still wonder why that is. Fancy food, or an abundance of food, might be seen as a sign of worldliness or prosperity for the entire community. I might catalog at least part of this discussion under the general question of “to what extent should a leader resemble (in clothing, habits, speech, appearance–whatever) his or her followers?/To what extent should the leader be ‘better’ than the followers?” Isocrates says that one of the most difficult balances for a king to strike is between being “urbane” (asteios) and dignified (semnos). In the former case the leader may seem to be lowering himself/pandering and in the latter to be cold (Isocrates To Nicocles 34 ). I am reminded of one of Bob Dylan “I Shall Be Free“ (stanza eight).
Xenophon seems to explore the limits of wearing a fancy cloak atCyropaedia 2.4.1-6 . Cyrus is summoned by Cyaxares to meet an embassy if Indians “as quickly as possible” wearing his most beautiful robe. Cyrus opts instead to be adorned with with sweat (idros) and haste (speude) as signs of his efficiency and obedience.
Cf. also Cyrus’ encouragement to the Armenian queen to spend her resources to adorn her family more beautifully and live a more pleasurable life (κοσμήσεσθε κάλλιον καὶ ἥδιον τὸν αἰῶνα διάξετε,Cyropaedia 3.3.3 ).